Artwork stating 'Education Destroys Barriers', 'We Demand Treatment', and 'I Need A Chance'

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  • Anti-violence programs are working. But can they make a dent in Chicago's gun violence?

    Chicago is home to multiple street-outreach programs that target the people most likely to be shot or to shoot others, and that provide them with social services that keep them and others in their network safe. Programs like READI, CRED, and CP4P have shown strong results in studies of their ability to help people get access to education and jobs while avoiding arrest or injury. But community violence in Chicago is so entrenched that the existing programs lack the scale and structure to make meaningful reductions in Chicago's street violence.

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  • Orlando man's 7th arrest in 7 years raises questions about mental competency system

    Orange County, Florida, courts have ordered thousands of mental-competency hearings in recent years to test whether criminal defendants are mentally capable of facing charges. If they are not, they get released, leaving mental illnesses untreated and leading to repeat cycles of arrest and release that sap public resources and threaten public safety. Miami-Dade’s Criminal Mental Health Project offers a more effective model, in which police officers are trained to call in mental health professionals who can get the person into treatment rather than jail.

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  • Tool for police reform rarely used by local prosecutors

    A growing number of prosecutors compile lists of police officers deemed untrustworthy witnesses, information they disclose to defense lawyers to prevent unjust criminal convictions. Called "Brady lists" or "do not call" lists, the practice is arguably a constitutional requirement for a fair trial. Broad disclosure of such a list in Philadelphia led to the dismissal of more than 2,000 convictions. Yet many prosecutors fail to keep such lists or ignore categories of misconduct like the use of excessive force. Police unions and privacy laws have helped block the effective use of Brady lists in some places.

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  • Plagued by fighting and other disturbances, RCSD reconsiders police presence

    During the 2020 social justice protests, Rochester city school leaders quickly acted to remove police officers from the schools. A long-time goal of school-discipline reformers, ending the use of school resource officers was meant to create openings for responses to student violence other than arrest or suspension. Eighteen months later, the school superintendent sought to increase a police presence in schools in light of a rise in fights among students. Reform advocates accused the district of failing to follow through with effective alternatives to the punitive responses to discipline problems.

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  • Prison reform curbs some solitary confinement, but how much?

    Washington state prison officials say they have tried for years to reduce their use of solitary confinement. They made some progress toward that goal until the pandemic. Despite that complication, hundreds still live for months or even years in near-total isolation, which critics liken to torture and blame for psychological damage to incarcerated people. Advocates for strict limits or abolishing the practice say the state has maintained the use of solitary under a variety of euphemisms. Pending legislation would impose stricter limits, which prison officials oppose on safety grounds.

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  • When Abusers Keep Their Guns

    Starting in 1968, Congress has passed a series of laws, as have some states, stripping gun possession rights from people convicted of felonies or of domestic violence, or who are the subjects of restraining orders. But neither federal nor most state authorities do much to enforce the laws, relying instead on an honor system that often fails. Some places, like Washington's King County (Seattle), have done more to track who has guns they are barred from having. Thorough follow-up enables them to confiscate such guns in a process that can be less potentially violent than assumed.

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  • Red Flag Laws Are Saving Lives. They Could Save More.

    Nineteen states and the District of Columbia have enacted red-flag laws, most of them since the 2018 Parkland, Fla., school shooting. The laws, also called extreme risk protection order laws, allow law enforcement officials or family members to petition courts to confiscate guns from people deemed a danger to themselves or others. Use of the laws has grown and advocates say they have saved lives. But the growth has been slow, largely because of widespread ignorance of the laws among the public and even police. Some states have begun to fund education and training campaigns to rectify that.

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  • Austin wants to be a model of modern policing, but the future remains unclear

    After years of inaction on police reform measures, Austin city leaders raced to restructure and cut resources from the city's police department after the 2020 nationwide social justice protests followed close on the heels of another in a series of controversial police shootings in Austin. By freezing hiring of new officers and shifting $140 million to other agencies, the city was among the biggest cities making the earliest, boldest moves to reform policing. A year later, a severe shortage of patrol officers and rising violence has sparked a new round of debate about where the city goes from here.

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  • Atlanta Tried Housing Police in Disinvested Black Communities to Increase Trust. Is it Working?

    The Secure Neighborhoods program lets select police officers buy houses at subsidized prices if they move into a mostly Black, historically disinvested neighborhood. The aim of the program is to make police officers part of a community, build community trust, and discourage crime. While violence and auto theft in the chosen neighborhood have dropped, and some community members say the program improved relations, others complain that the gesture has been fairly superficial and just adds to gentrification pressures.

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  • Parson acknowledges new gun law needs to be revisited after police say it ties their hands

    A new Missouri law, the Second Amendment Preservation Act, restricts the ability of local law enforcement officials to collaborate with federal officials in enforcing gun laws and investigating gun crimes. The law, which legislators meant as a statement of gun-rights principles, would fine police officers who violate it. Many local law enforcement officers withdrew from federal-local gun crime task forces and have otherwise stopped working with their federal counterparts. One department stopped submitting data to the federal ballistics database. Police say the law interferes with legitimate police work.

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