Where surveillance cameras work but the justice system doesn't

Genetic genealogy's use in criminal cases has gone mainstream. As the cases of three murder victims in Indiana illustrate, the science of DNA evidence combined with genealogical research and detective work is rapidly ramping up, from a hobby to a curiosity and now to a major commercial and criminal-justice opportunity. Hundreds of missing persons have been identified from decades-old remains, or murder suspects identified from old biological evidence in cold cases. By creating a family tree of the victim or suspect, investigators can zero in on an identity more quickly and inexpensively than ever.

Oregon law enforcement agencies partnered with a Virginia laboratory, Parabon NanoLabs, to use genetic genealogy to learn the identities of people whose remains were found long ago but never identified. To give peace of mind to families who never knew for sure of their loved ones' deaths, researchers use DNA samples taken from the human remains to compare to publicly available DNA profiles shared by people using home DNA tests. This can identify a victim's family tree. So far, Parabon has identified six of the 10 people it has tested for Oregon. The state has more than 150 unidentified skeletal remains.

One of the first crime-lab scandals gave birth to a better way of ensuring the integrity and accuracy of forensic evidence. The Houston Forensic Science Center operates independently of law enforcement agencies, with a large staff of scientists and a healthy budget to correct some of the resource-related flaws of its police-run predecessor. Perhaps its greatest innovation is a system of regularly running blind tests as a quality check, to make sure the staff stays vigilant. The goal is to avoid the kinds of bad science that often contribute to wrongful convictions and other injustices.

In Detroit, Project Greenlight uses video surveillance technology to try to solve and deter street crime. Instead of the police requesting private security video after a crime occurs, businesses pay to install the Greenlight system, which then streams video live to police analysts. The police claim it has lowered crime, but researches have found no evidence that it affects violent crime rates. Critics see the system as a pay-to-play system in which businesses buy better police protection. And they say that the cameras, and the use of facial recognition software, bias enforcement against people of color.

Body-worn cameras gained popularity as a potential check on police brutality, but for them to fulfill that purpose, numerous changes in typical public policies are needed, starting with public access to videos and independent oversight of camera policies. Research is inconclusive about whether cameras have changed police conduct, but they have discouraged citizen complaints about police. Other changes that could improve the use of cameras as a police-reform tool include constraining officers' discretion to record and better automated review of reams of stored data.

A statistic called the efficiency gap seems like a simple way to measure partisan gerrymandering. It’s easy to calculate and relies on actual election results, not hypothetical results, something called for back in 2004 and 2006 when alleged cases of gerrymandering were found by the U.S. Supreme Court to be too speculative to be ruled unconstitutional. However, the efficiency gap fails to account for key factors such as political geography, making it less of a silver bullet than originally hoped.

A new tool that studies human behavioral data is being piloted in an effort to prevent police abuse and violence. Using data kept by individual police departments, this new program studies officers’ history of past problems, amount of on-the-job stress and trauma, and shift times as possible predictors of violence and abuse. While the research is still in early stages, it has already led to changes in some police departments, like re-thinking how to better equip officers to deal with emotional incidents like domestic violence.

After plainclothes Chicago police officers killed a 26-year-old during a traffic stop, the department proposed new restrictions on vehicle searches and implemented a new digital system for documenting traffic stops, but an analysis of dispatch calls found that a significant proportion of stops are still going unreported.

After San Francisco voters approved the creation of a new Department of Police Accountability to investigate allegations of police misconduct, the body recommended discipline for officers at a higher rate than the state average in 2021. But the majority of cases are still settled in favor of officers and 66 percent of civilian complainants reported being dissatisfied with the outcome of their case, an outcome experts and former employees of the DPA attribute to a lack of independent authority and leadership to wield the agency's powers.

A growing number of prosecutors compile lists of police officers deemed untrustworthy witnesses, information they disclose to defense lawyers to prevent unjust criminal convictions. Called "Brady lists" or "do not call" lists, the practice is arguably a constitutional requirement for a fair trial. Broad disclosure of such a list in Philadelphia led to the dismissal of more than 2,000 convictions. Yet many prosecutors fail to keep such lists or ignore categories of misconduct like the use of excessive force. Police unions and privacy laws have helped block the effective use of Brady lists in some places.